David Allen Green

Wednes­day’s Supreme Court de­ci­sion will not be the end of the move­ment to­wards Scot­tish in­de­pen­dence.

And this pow­er im­bal­ance at the heart of the ex­ec­u­tive may have im­por­tant con­se­quences.

As the next prime min­is­ter, Liz Truss has lit­tle time or sup­port from Con­ser­v­a­tive MPs to turn things around for the UK.

How an an­swer to a par­lia­men­tary ques­tion may lead to an un­fold­ing of a po­lit­i­cal scan­dal.

What is ex­cep­tion­al about this race are not the con­tenders, but the re­spon­si­bil­i­ties that await the win­ner.

A fea­ture of a work­ing con­sti­tu­tion is that re­pug­nant things can be spat out by the body politic.

Con­sti­tu­tion­al­ly, British PMs stand on a plank be­tween two stools. For Boris John­son, both those stools are tot­ter­ing.

Af­ter the new bill is passed, the Unit­ed King­dom will still be un­der the ju­ris­dic­tion of the ECHR.

Re­cent Con­ser­v­a­tive by-elec­tion de­feats mean John­son may soon join the list of British PMs who lost pow­er be­tween elec­tions.

What does the res­ig­na­tion of Lord Gei­dt – and the lit­tle im­pact it had – tells us about ex­ec­u­tive pow­er in Britain?